Past Race
Shocking Racial Attitudes: Black G.I.s in Europe
David Schindler & Mark Westcott
Review of Economic Studies, forthcoming
Abstract:
Can attitudes towards minorities, an important cultural trait, be changed? We show that the presence of African American soldiers in the U.K. during World War II reduced anti-minority prejudice, a result of the positive interactions which took place between soldiers and the local population. The change has been persistent: in locations in which more African American soldiers were posted there are fewer members of and voters for the U.K.'s leading far-right party, less implicit bias against blacks and fewer individuals professing racial prejudice, all measured around 2010. Our results point towards intergenerational transmission from parents to children as the most likely explanation.
Submerged for Some? Government Visibility, Race, and American Political Trust
Aaron Rosenthal
Perspectives on Politics, forthcoming
Abstract:
Scholarship concerning American government visibility has focused on the state's growing submergence, yet these accounts contrast with racial and ethnic politics research focusing on the American state's conspicuousness in the lives of people of color. Attending to this disconnect, I ask how government visibility varies across racial groups. Combining interviews and quantitative analysis within a policy feedback framework, I argue that five public policy trends have created a racial split in the American state's visibility. For whites, submerged state policies have grown alongside the rising visibility of racialized poverty policies and taxation. As a result, whites are less aware of how government benefits them and more aware of how government uses tax dollars to fund programs perceived as solely benefitting racial others. For people of color, the decline of civil rights legislation has contrasted with criminal legal policies that have made the criminal legal system a uniquely visible manifestation of government in their lives. To demonstrate the political importance of this racial divide, I uncover a racial heterogeneity in people's political trust attachments, wherein white trust is connected to welfare attitudes, while trust among people of color is associated with feelings about the police.
Racial and Ethnic Disparities in COVID-19: Evidence from Six Large Cities
Joseph Benitez, Charles Courtemanche & Aaron Yelowitz
NBER Working Paper, July 2020
Abstract:
As of June 2020, the coronavirus pandemic has led to more than 2.3 million confirmed infections and 121 thousand fatalities in the United States, with starkly different incidence by race and ethnicity. Our study examines racial and ethnic disparities in confirmed COVID-19 cases across six diverse cities - Atlanta, Baltimore, Chicago, New York City, San Diego, and St. Louis - at the ZIP code level (covering 436 "neighborhoods" with a population of 17.7 million). Our analysis links these outcomes to six separate data sources to control for demographics; housing; socioeconomic status; occupation; transportation modes; health care access; long-run opportunity, as measured by income mobility and incarceration rates; human mobility; and underlying population health. We find that the proportions of black and Hispanic residents in a ZIP code are both positively and statistically significantly associated with COVID-19 cases per capita. The magnitudes are sizeable for both black and Hispanic, but even larger for Hispanic. Although some of these disparities can be explained by differences in long-run opportunity, human mobility, and demographics, most of the disparities remain unexplained even after including an extensive list of covariates related to possible mechanisms. For two cities - Chicago and New York - we also examine COVID-19 fatalities, finding that differences in confirmed COVID-19 cases explain the majority of the observed disparities in fatalities. In other words, the higher death toll of COVID-19 in predominantly black and Hispanic communities mostly reflects higher case rates, rather than higher fatality rates for confirmed cases.
The Impact of National Anthem Protests on National Football League Television Ratings
Judah Brown & Brandon Sheridan
Journal of Sports Economics, December 2020, Pages 829-847
Abstract:
The National Football League's (NFL) television ratings decreased by approximately 8% during the 2016 season, then a further 10% the following season. These declines coincided with league-wide national anthem protests initiated by Colin Kaepernick at the beginning of the 2016 season. Existing research identifies many determinants of demand for sporting events, but athletes' protests are seldom considered. We use detailed data on players' protests and television ratings to construct a new, game-level panel for the four NFL seasons between 2014 and 2017. Our results show protests are statistically significantly associated with lower TV ratings, but the economic magnitude is relatively muted.
Experienced Segregation
Susan Athey et al.
NBER Working Paper, July 2020
Abstract:
We introduce a novel measure of segregation, experienced isolation, that captures individuals' exposure to diverse others in the places they visit over the course of their days. Using Global Positioning System (GPS) data collected from smartphones, we measure experienced isolation by race. We find that the isolation individuals experience is substantially lower than standard residential isolation measures would suggest, but that experienced and residential isolation are highly correlated across cities. Experienced isolation is lower relative to residential isolation in denser, wealthier, more educated cities with high levels of public transit use, and is also negatively correlated with income mobility.
Political Inequality in the Digital World: The Puzzle of Asian American Political Participation Online
Nathan Chan
Political Research Quarterly, forthcoming
Abstract:
This paper adds to existing literature by reassessing the racial participation gap after placing online activity within the repertoire of minorities' political actions. Even though Asian Americans are the most resourced in terms of Internet access, I theorize about how individual and structural-level impediments uniquely disadvantage this group from participating in politics online - widening overall participation disparities. Using data from the 2016 National Asian American Survey, I find that while the racial participation gap is similar for Latina/os and African Americans compared to whites, regardless of the activity's platform either offline or online, disparities magnify solely for Asian Americans when considering digital modes of political behavior. The paper ends by noting how the Internet may contribute to rather than solve issues of political inequality across race and discusses distortions in which political voices are heard or muted offline and online.
Wealth, Race, and Consumption Smoothing of Typical Income Shocks
Peter Ganong et al.
NBER Working Paper, July 2020
Abstract:
We estimate the elasticity of consumption with respect to income using an instrument based on firm-wide changes in pay. While much of the consumption-smoothing literature uses variation in unusual windfall income, this instrument captures the temporary income variation that households typically experience. Furthermore, this estimator is precise, allowing us to address an open question about how much the elasticity varies with wealth. We find a much lower consumption response for high-liquidity households, which may help discipline structural models. We then use this instrument to study how wealth shapes racial inequality. An extensive body of work documents a substantial racial wealth gap. However, less is known about how this gap translates into differences in welfare on a month-to-month basis. We find that black (Hispanic) households cut their consumption 50 (20) percent more than white households when faced with a similarly-sized income shock. Nearly all of this differential pass-through of income to consumption is explained, in a statistical sense, by differences in liquid wealth. Combining our empirical estimates with a model, we show that the welfare cost of income volatility is at least 50 percent higher for black households and 20 percent higher for Hispanic households than it is for white households.
In the State's Shadow of Fair Housing: D.C. (White) Business Leaders and their Revanchist Desires
Rosemary Ndubuizu
Urban Affairs Review, forthcoming
Abstract:
This article traces D.C. White business leaders' advocacy of (low-income) Black suburban relocation and White upper-class resettlement in D.C.'s central neighborhoods in the 1960s and 1970s. By examining the organizational papers and memos of meetings and policy documents from the Federal City Council, a D.C. nonprofit advocacy organization for the city's leading business and real estate leaders, I document how predominantly White business leaders appropriated fair housing and regional fair share political stances to articulate revanchist desires. These leaders' revanchist rhetoric depicted the Black poor - especially the single Black mother with children - as the primary figure of neighborhood blight and domestic deviance. In the wake of these revanchist politics, low-income Black mothers remained principal victims of pro-mobility policies and gentrification agendas that forced them to continually move to support demolition or redevelopment. This article affirms low-income Black mother activists' political support for placemaking and low-cost, family-friendly, and well-maintained communities.
Does demand lead supply? Gentrifiers and developers in the sequence of gentrification, New York City 2009-2016
Kasey Zapatka & Brenden Beck
Urban Studies, forthcoming
Abstract:
Consumption-side theorists of gentrification examine the flow of middle-class White people into previously working-class neighbourhoods and argue that their demand for housing stimulates gentrification. In contrast, production-side theorists emphasise the movement of capital into previously disinvested neighbourhoods and contend that profit-seeking development increases property values and sparks gentrification. Hybrid theorists argue that consumption and production occur simultaneously. This article operationalises arguments made by each approach, and asks: Do gentrifiers precede rising home values or do rising home values precede gentrifiers? To answer this question of sequence, we build a dataset of census and property tax assessment data for 2192 New York City census tracts between 2009 and 2016. Using cross-lagged regression models with tract and year fixed effects, we find neighbourhoods that experienced an increase in White, middle-class residents had related housing price spikes in each of the subsequent two years. A 1% increase in gentrifiers was associated with a subsequent 2.7% increase in property values. However, housing market growth did not predict future increases in gentrifiers. This suggests that consumption leads production during neighbourhood gentrification, and that developers are reactive, not proactive, in their investment decisions. Focusing on the sequence of gentrification's subsidiary elements enables city officials, non-profits and social movements to better anticipate gentrification and develop more targeted policies.
Discrimination and Racial Disparities in Labor Market Outcomes: Evidence from WWII
Anna Aizer et al.
NBER Working Paper, August 2020
Abstract:
The 1940s witnessed substantial reductions in the Black-white earnings gap. We study the role that domestic WWII defense production played in reducing this gap. Exploiting variation across labor markets in the allocation of war contracts to private firms, we find that war production contracts resulted in significant increases in the earnings of Black workers and declines in the racial wage gap, with no effect on white workers. This was achieved via occupational upgrading among Black men to skilled occupations. The gains largely persisted through at least 1970. Using a structural model, we show that declines in discrimination (and not migration or changes in productivity) account for all of the occupational upgrading and half of the estimated wage gains associated with the war production effort. Additionally, the war production effort explains one quarter (one seventh) of the overall improvements in racial gaps in occupation allocations (wages) witnessed over this decade. Finally, war spending led to an increase in the high school graduation rate of Black children, suggesting important intergenerational spillovers associated with declines in labor market discrimination.
Democratic Representation of all "the People": Antislavery Petitions in the U.S. Senate
John Griffin & Grace Sager
Studies in American Political Development, forthcoming
Abstract:
In keeping with the demands of political philosophers, America's constitutional design harnesses elected officials to the mass public's prevailing views, but also provides avenues for the opinions of disenfranchised groups and numerical minorities to be reflected in policy. We seek to shed light on this constitutional balancing act by studying U.S. senators' decisions on thirty-six roll call votes related to the practice of slavery between 1835 and 1847. These voting decisions are modeled using the prevalence of antislavery petitions sent to Congress over the same period from each state's residents. We observe considerable and systematic senator representation of perceived majority opinion on antislavery petitions, despite the presence of nineteenth-century institutions buffering senators from the public. We also report evidence that the representation of disenfranchised women's views (as expressed in petitions) relative to those of men varied by party, and in ways that are predictable. Finally, we observe that senators sometimes represented perceived minority viewpoints, seemingly motivated by their political ambitions. These findings not only hold important implications for our understanding of democratic representation, but also for the processes of American political development.