It's a race thing
Gregory Miller et al.
Health Psychology, forthcoming
Objective: Studies have revealed a phenomenon called skin-deep resilience, which develops in upwardly mobile African American youth. They perform well in school, maintain good mental health, and avoid legal problems. Despite outward indications of success, they also show evidence of worse health in biomarker studies. Here we extend this research, asking whether it manifests in differential susceptibility to upper respiratory infection, and if it emerges in European Americans as well.
Methods: The sample included 514 adults in good health, as judged by physician examination and laboratory testing. Participants completed questionnaires about lifecourse socioeconomic conditions, conscientiousness, psychosocial adjustment, and lifestyle factors. They were subsequently inoculated with a rhinovirus that causes upper respiratory infection, and monitored in quarantine for 5 days the development of illness.
Results: Consistent with past work, African Americans from disadvantaged backgrounds displayed indications of skin-deep resilience. To the extent these participants were high in conscientiousness, they fared better across multiple domains of psychosocial functioning, as reflected in educational attainment, symptoms of depression, and close relationship quality (p values = .01-.04). But analyses of these participants' susceptibility to infection revealed the opposite pattern; higher conscientiousness was associated with a greater likelihood of becoming ill following inoculation (p value = .03). In European Americans, there was no evidence of skin-deep resilience; conscientiousness was associated with better psychosocial outcomes, but not infection risk.
Conclusions: These observations suggest that resilience may be a double-edged sword for African Americans from disadvantaged backgrounds. The same characteristics associated with academic success and psychological adjustment forecast increased vulnerability to health problems.
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Contested Boundaries: Explaining Where Ethnoracial Diversity Provokes Neighborhood Conflict
Joscha Legewie & Merlin Schaeffer
American Journal of Sociology, July 2016, Pages 125-161
Abstract:
Concerns about neighborhood erosion and conflict in ethnically diverse settings occupy scholars, policy makers, and pundits alike; but the empirical evidence is inconclusive. This article proposes the contested boundaries hypothesis as a refined contextual explanation focused on poorly defined boundaries between ethnic and racial groups. The authors argue that neighborhood conflict is more likely to occur at fuzzy boundaries defined as interstitial or transitional areas sandwiched between two homogeneous communities. Edge detection algorithms from computer vision and image processing allow them to identify these boundaries. Data from 4.7 million time- and geo-coded 311 service requests from New York City support their argument: complaints about neighbors making noise, drinking in public, or blocking the driveway are more frequent at fuzzy boundaries rather than crisp, polarized borders. By focusing on the broader sociospatial structure, the contested boundaries hypothesis overcomes the "aspatial" treatment of neighborhoods as isolated areas in research on ethnic diversity.
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Tuskegee and the Health of Black Men
Marcella Alsan & Marianne Wanamaker
NBER Working Paper, June 2016
Abstract:
For forty years, the Tuskegee Study of Untreated Syphilis in the Negro Male passively monitored hundreds of adult black males with syphilis despite the availability of effective treatment. The study's methods have become synonymous with exploitation and mistreatment by the medical community. We find that the historical disclosure of the study in 1972 is correlated with increases in medical mistrust and mortality and decreases in both outpatient and inpatient physician interactions for older black men. Our estimates imply life expectancy at age 45 for black men fell by up to 1.4 years in response to the disclosure, accounting for approximately 35% of the 1980 life expectancy gap between black and white men.
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Paul Hagstrom & Stephen Wu
Review of Economics of the Household, September 2016, Pages 507-527
Abstract:
This paper examines the relationship between pregnancy and life satisfaction for US women of childbearing age using a large sample from the 2005 to 2009 waves of the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System. The results show strong differences by race and ethnicity. Pregnancy has a significant positive correlation with happiness for Whites and Hispanics, but no relationship for Blacks. This differential in the marginal effect of pregnancy is in addition to a general decrease in satisfaction for Black women, independent of being pregnant. The results cannot be explained by differences in other demographics such age, income, education, or physical health status. Within each racial/ethnic group, the results are consistent across different categories for all these characteristics. Racial and ethnic differences in the effects of pregnancy on support from others can partly explain this result. For Whites and Hispanic women, pregnancy increases their feelings of social and emotional support from others, while pregnant Black women report lower levels of social and emotional support than non-pregnant Black women.
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Vicki Freedman & Brenda Spillman
Health Affairs, August 2016, Pages 1351-1358
Abstract:
Understanding long-range trends in longevity and disability is useful for projecting the likely impact of the baby-boom generation on long-term care utilization and spending. We examine changes in active life expectancy in the United States from 1982 to 2011 for white and black adults ages sixty-five and older. For whites, longevity increased, disability was postponed to older ages, the locus of care shifted from nursing facilities to community settings, and the proportion of life at older ages spent without disability increased. In contrast, for blacks, longevity increases were accompanied by smaller postponements in disability, and the percentage of remaining life spent active remained stable and well below that of whites. Older black women were especially disadvantaged in 2011 in terms of the proportion of years expected to be lived without disability. Public health measures directed at older black adults - particularly women - are needed to offset impending pressures on the long-term care delivery system as the result of population aging.
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What's the Matter with Kansas? Now It's the High White Death Rate
Frank Young
Sociological Forum, forthcoming
Abstract:
This article reports empirical tests for an explanation of the anomalous finding that Case and Deaton recently identified. They found that middle-aged white people were dying at increased rates during the 1998-2013 years. By contrast, the Hispanic and African Americans enjoyed lower rates. The explanation proposed here for this deviant trend is that the middle-aged whites are especially vulnerable to the stress of "white status loss" as measured by the decline in the county white population. Using data for the 105 Kansas counties, the analysis replicates the divergent mortality trends and shows that white population decline predicts the rising mortality rate for the middle-aged segment of the population. This explanation opens the door to a new branch of public health, one based on social problems, not pathogens.
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Rodney Hero & Morris Levy
Social Science Quarterly, September 2016, Pages 491-505
Abstract:
The "great divergence" of America's rich from its middle class and poor has led some observers to see a country increasingly stratified by income and wealth, more so than by race. In this article, the first in a two-part series, we argue that this conclusion overlooks the persistent importance of the racial "structure" of inequality. A decomposition of income inequality between 1980 and 2010 using the Theil Index shows that inequality between racial groups accounts for a rising share of total income inequality over this period nationally and in most states. We also demonstrate that within-state trends in the between-race component of inequality are not fully accounted for by trends in income inequality and racial diversity per se. These findings lay the groundwork for a forthcoming companion piece in Social Science Quarterly that shows that between-race inequality is strongly linked to welfare policy outcomes in the United States.
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At a Loss for Words: Measuring Racial Inequality in America
Major Coleman
Review of Black Political Economy, June 2016, Pages 177-192
Abstract:
Scholars of race tend to measure racial inequality in either absolute or relative terms. How much Blacks have advanced from their historical antebellum status is an absolute measure. How the status of Blacks compares with that of Whites is a relative measure. A more revealing measure might be how much racial equality will be strategically necessary to avoid a major politico-economic crisis like the ones that occurred during the civil war and the 1960s. Though it is easier to measure absolute or relative equality, measures of strategic equality yield more important information. Using the Current Population Survey, General Social Survey, Center for Education Statistics, Multi-City Study of Urban Inequality, and Census Bureau estimates, I find that, strategically, America is actually declining in racial equality, not advancing.
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Jiaqi Liang
Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory, July 2016, Pages 552-570
Abstract:
Despite considerable evidence indicating that racial minorities are more likely to reside in communities surrounding the sources of environmental risks or live with higher levels of pollutant emissions, relatively little research focuses on how broader political and institutional contexts pertaining to people of color impacts routine environmental policy implementation at the state level in the post-facility-siting period. Drawing on theories of group-centric, degenerative policy, and the politics of group recognition, this study explores the effects of the minority group-specific policy context on administrative outputs for the vulnerable African American communities. Examining the National Pollutant Discharge Elimination System permit program of the Clean Water Act from 1996 to 2010, findings from a multilevel modeling analysis show that generosity of welfare benefits is positively related to state agencies' regulatory inspection and enforcement activities for predominantly black counties, while stringent welfare eligibility and sanctions are negatively associated with those efforts from government for those counties. Implications are then derived for the essential role of public administration in shaping the entitlements of the marginalized members of society to public services in an era within which social equity has emerged on government's policy agenda.
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Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Mental Health Care for Children and Young Adults: A National Study
Lyndonna Marrast, David Himmelstein & Steffie Woolhandler
International Journal of Health Services, forthcoming
Abstract:
Psychiatric and behavior problems are common among children and young adults, and many go without care or only receive treatment in carceral settings. We examined racial and ethnic disparities in children's and young adults' receipt of mental health and substance abuse care using nationally representative data from the 2006-2012 Medical Expenditure Panel Surveys. Blacks' and Hispanics' visit rates (and per capita expenditures) were about half those of non-Hispanic whites for all types and definitions of outpatient mental health services. Disparities were generally larger for young adults than for children. Black and white children had similar psychiatric inpatient and emergency department utilization rates, while Hispanic children had lower hospitalization rates. Multivariate control for mental health impairment, demographics, and insurance status did not attenuate racial/ethnic disparities in outpatient care. We conclude that psychiatric and behavioral problems among minority youth often result in school punishment or incarceration, but rarely mental health care.
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The Effects of Allostatic Load on Racial/Ethnic Mortality Differences in the United States
Jeffrey Howard & Johnelle Sparks
Population Research and Policy Review, August 2016, Pages 421-443
Abstract:
This study expands on previous findings of racial/ethnic and allostatic load (AL) associations with mortality by addressing whether differential AL levels by race/ethnicity may explain all-cause mortality differences. This study used data from the third National Health and Nutrition Survey public-use file, gathered between 1988 and 1994, with up to 18 years of mortality follow-up (n = 11,733). AL scores were calculated using a 10-biomarker algorithm based on clinically determined thresholds. Results of discrete-time hazard models suggest that AL is associated with increased mortality risks, independent of other factors, including race/ethnicity and SES. The results also suggest that the AL-mortality association is stronger for non-Hispanic blacks than for non-Hispanic whites, and that at low levels of AL observed mortality differences between non-Hispanic blacks and non-Hispanic whites are non-significant. These findings suggest that mortality differences between non-Hispanic blacks and non-Hispanic whites may be the result of how early life exposure causes premature aging and increased mortality risks. More attention to resource allocation and local environments is needed to understand why non-Hispanic blacks experience premature aging that leads to differential mortality risks compared to non-Hispanic whites.
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Perceived electoral malfeasance and resentment over the election of Barack Obama
David Wilson & Tyson King-Meadows
Electoral Studies, December 2016, Pages 35-45
Abstract:
Controversies over voting outcomes, and subsequent laws to seemingly curb irregularities, have led to increased scrutiny over the process of voting day activities. While studies find evidence that majorities perceive rampant fraud, the explanations for these opinions have mainly pointed to political predispositions, largely ignoring the influence of racial attitudes. We propose that contemporary opinions on electoral malfeasance are shaped by the context of a popularly elected African American president, Barack Obama, and subsequent racial resentments. Analyses of data from the 2010 Cooperative Congressional Election Study reveals that racial resentment significantly predicts higher perceived electoral malfeasance, even after controlling for political predispositions. Surprisingly, significant racial resentment effects exist among both Obama and McCain supporters, and these effects are strongest among those who perceived Obama won because of his race. Our results highlight the hyper racialized spill-over effects into judgements about the political system.