Infamy
The Birth of a Nation: Media and Racial Hate
Desmond Ang
Harvard Working Paper, November 2020
Abstract:
This paper documents the impact of popular media on racial hate by examining the first American blockbuster: 1915’s The Birth of a Nation, a fictional portrayal of the KKK’s founding rife with racist stereotypes. Exploiting the film’s five-year "roadshow", I find a sharp spike in lynchings and race riots coinciding with its arrival in a county. Instrumenting for roadshow destinations using the location of theaters prior to the movie's release, I show that the film significantly increased local Klan support in the 1920s. Roadshow counties continue to experience higher rates of hate crimes and hate groups a century later.
Heroes and Villains: The Effects of Combat Heroism on Autocratic Values and Nazi Collaboration in France
Julia Cage et al.
Stanford Working Paper, December 2020
Abstract:
Can heroes legitimize strongly-proscribed and repugnant political behaviors? We exploit the purposefully arbitrary rotation of French regiments to measure the legitimizing effects of heroic credentials. 53% of French line regiments happened to rotate under a specific general, Philippe P'etain, during the pivotal WWI battle of Verdun (1916). Using recently-declassified intelligence data on 95,314 individuals, we find the home municipalities of regiments serving under P'etain at Verdun raised 7% more Nazi collaborators during the P'etain-led Vichy regime (1940-44). The effects are similar across joining Fascist parties, German forces, paramilitaries that hunted Jews and the Resistance, and collaborating economically. These municipalities also increasingly vote for right-wing parties between the wars. The voting effects persist after WWII, becoming particularly salient during social crises. We argue these results reflect the complementary role of the heroes of Verdun in legitimizing and diffusing the authoritarian values of their former leader.
Police Force Size and Civilian Race
Aaron Chalfin et al.
NBER Working Paper, December 2020
Abstract:
We report the first empirical estimate of the race-specific effects of larger police forces in the United States. Each additional police officer abates approximately 0.1 homicides. In per capita terms, effects are twice as large for Black versus white victims. At the same time, larger police forces make more arrests for low-level “quality-of-life” offenses, with effects that imply a disproportionate burden for Black Americans. Notably, cities with large Black populations do not share equally in the benefits of investments in police manpower. Our results provide novel empirical support for the popular narrative that Black communities are simultaneously over and under-policed.
Leadership Matters: Police Chief Race and Fatal Shootings by Police Officers
Stephen Wu
Social Science Quarterly, forthcoming
Methods: The Washington Post's “Fatal Force Database” is used to calculate per‐capita rates of fatal shootings by police officers occurring between January 1, 2015 and June 1, 2020 for the 100 largest cities in the United States. I compare fatal shooting rates for cities with police chiefs of different races, both unadjusted and adjusted for differences in city characteristics.
Results: Rates of fatal shootings by officers are almost 50 percent higher in cities with police forces led by white police chiefs than in cities with black police chiefs. Of the 30 cities with the highest rates of fatal shootings, 23 have police departments led by whites and only four have departments led by blacks, while of the 30 cities with the lowest rates, 16 have police departments led by blacks and only 11 are led by whites. Differences in fatal shooting rates persist after controlling for city characteristics.
Fear or Loathing in the United States? Public Opinion and the Rise of Racial Disparity in Mass Incarceration, 1978-2015
Scott Duxbury
Social Forces, forthcoming
Abstract:
A defining characteristic of mass incarceration is the overwhelming racial disparity in US prison populations. Yet, little research has examined the role of public attitudes in the growth of racial disparity in incarceration rates during the prison boom. This article considers the influence of explicit and modern forms of prejudice and traces a portion of the rise in racial disparity in incarceration rates to historically high levels of fear of crime. It analyzes roughly forty years of annual data on incarceration at the state level, leveraging recent methodological developments for polling data to construct longitudinal measures of state public opinion from 386,751 individual survey responses to a pooled sample of 102 national surveys. Results from panel models show that public fear of crime played a larger role in explaining rising racial disparity in incarceration rates than explicit prejudice or laissez-faire racial attitudes. Further analyses demonstrate that fear of crime mediates a sizable portion of the effect of race-specific offending. These findings reveal that it is fear of crime and its radicalized overtones, rather than explicit or laissez-faire racial attitudes, that contributes to much of the observed racial inequality in the criminal justice system.
Exploring Disproportionate Minority Contact in the Juvenile Justice System Over the Year Following First Arrest
Namita Tanya Padgaonkar et al.
Journal of Research on Adolescence, forthcoming
Abstract:
Minority youth are disproportionately represented in the juvenile justice system. Examining how racial disparities relate to biased entry into and continued involvement with the system, while accounting for past and current offending, can provide context about the mechanisms behind overrepresentation. 1,216 adolescents were examined after first arrest to explore associations between race and history of self‐reported offending, likelihood of formal processing, and likelihood of rearrest. Black youth committed fewer offenses prior to arrest than White youth, Black and Latino youth were more likely to be formally processed, and Black youth were most likely to be rearrested (even controlling for postbaseline offending), highlighting that minority youth are overrepresented in the juvenile justice system despite similar or lower levels of criminal behavior.
The Usual, Racialized, Suspects: The Consequence of Police Contacts with Black and White Youth on Adult Arrest
Anne McGlynn-Wright et al.
Social Problems, forthcoming
Abstract:
Research on race and policing indicates that Black Americans experience a greater frequency of police contacts, discretionary stops, and police harassment when stops occur. Yet, studies examining the long-term consequences of police contact with young people have not examined whether criminal justice consequences of police contact differ by race. We address this issue by examining whether police encounters with children and adolescents predict arrest in young adulthood and if these effects are the same for Black and White individuals. The paper uses longitudinal survey data from 331 Black and White respondents enrolled in the Seattle Public School District as eighth graders in 2001 and 2002. Our findings indicate that police encounters in childhood increase the risk of arrest in young adulthood for Black but not White respondents. Black respondents who experience contact with the police by the eighth grade have eleven times greater odds of being arrested when they are 20 years old than their White counterparts.
Emergency Department Visits for Depression following Police Killings of Unarmed African Americans
Abhery Das et al.
Social Science & Medicine, forthcoming
Abstract:
Previous literature on racism and adverse mental health largely focuses on individual-level exposures. We investigate whether and to what extent structural racism, as measured by police killings of unarmed African Americans, affect a severe and acute mental health outcome among African Americans: depression-related Emergency Department (ED) visits. We used police killings of unarmed African Americans as our exposure and depression-related ED visits (per 100,000 population) as our outcome. We examined the relation across 75 counties from five US states between 2013-2015 (2,700 county-months). Linear fixed effect analyses controlled for time-invariant county-factors as well as the number of hospitals and arrests for violent crimes (per 100,000 population). Police killings of unarmed African Americans correspond with an 11% increase in ED visits per 100,000 population related to depression among African Americans in the concurrent month and three months following the exposure (p<0.05). Researchers and policymakers may want to consider prevention efforts to reduce racial bias in policing and implement surveillance of fatal police encounters. These encounters, moreover, may worsen mental health and help-seeking in the ED among African Americans not directly connected to the encounter.
Discrimination and anxiety: Using multiple polygenic scores to control for genetic liability
Adolfo Cuevas et al.
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, January 2021
Abstract:
An established body of research indicates that discrimination is associated with increased symptoms of anxiety and negative affect. However, the association cannot be interpreted unambiguously as an exposure effect because a common set of genetic factors can simultaneously contribute to increased liability for symptoms of anxiety, negative affect, and the perception of discrimination. The present study elucidates the association between discrimination and anxiety/negative affect by implementing strict genetic controls in a large sample of adults. We used data from the biomarker project of the Study of Midlife Development in the United States (MIDUS), a national probability sample of noninstitutionalized, English-speaking respondents aged 25 to 74 y. Participants who consented to provide genetic data were biologically unrelated and of European ancestry as determined by genotype principal components analysis (n = 1,146). A single structural regression model was fit to the data with three measures of discrimination specified to load onto a latent factor and six measures of anxiety and negative affect specified to load onto a second latent factor. After accounting for potential genetic confounds-polygenic scores for anxiety, depression, and neuroticism and the first five genetic principal components-greater discrimination was associated with greater anxiety/negative affect (β = 0.53, SE = 0.04, P < 0.001). Findings suggest that measures of perceived discrimination should be considered environmental risk factors for anxiety/negative affect rather than indices of genetic liability for anxiety, depression, or neuroticism. Clinical interventions and prevention measures should focus on ways to mitigate the impact of discrimination to improve mental health at the population level.
Slavery, Reconstruction, and Bureaucratic Capacity in the American South
Pavithra Suryanarayan & Steven White
American Political Science Review, forthcoming
Abstract:
Conventional political economy models predict taxation will increase after franchise expansion to low-income voters. Yet, contrary to expectations, in ranked societies - where social status is a cleavage - elites can instead build cross-class coalitions to undertake a strategy of bureaucratic weakening to limit future redistributive taxation. We study a case where status hierarchies were particularly extreme: the post-Civil War American South. During Reconstruction, under federal oversight, per capita taxation was higher in counties where slavery had been more extensive before the war, as predicted by standard theoretical models. After Reconstruction ended, however, taxes fell and bureaucratic capacity was weaker where slavery had been widespread. Moreover, higher intrawhite economic inequality was associated with lower taxes and weaker capacity after Reconstruction in formerly high-slavery counties. These findings on the interaction between intrawhite economic inequality and pre-War slavery suggest that elites built cross-class coalitions against taxation where whites sought to protect their racial status.