Changing Structural Race
Household Income as a Determinant of Racial Residential Segregation in Metropolitan Areas: A Micro-level Analysis from 2000 to 2020
Amber Crowell
Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World, September 2024
Abstract:
In this study, I examine the role of household income in determining White-Black, White-Latino, and White-Asian residential segregation in the twenty-first century across 50 metropolitan areas over the decennial time points from 2000 to 2020. I use census and survey microdata and a reformulation of the separation index, a measure of the segregation dimension of evenness, to situate segregation as a group inequality that can be analyzed using group-specific household-level regression models and regression standardization analysis, where household income is the predictor of segregation-relevant neighborhood outcomes. I find that across groups, across communities, and over time, the role of household income in shaping segregation patterns varies widely. White-Black segregation is lowest between high-income households and is declining consistently for all income groups, even at mismatched incomes. White-Latino segregation patterns are more inconsistent, with segregation staying low and stable for high-income Latino households but rising somewhat for low- and middle-income households. Finally, White-Asian segregation is rising and has risen the fastest for high-income Asian households. These findings call for continuing investigation into the shifting and interlocking dynamics of race and income that shape segregation outcomes.
The Color of Hedge Fund Activism
Yongqiang Chu, Bo Huang & Chengsi Zhang
Management Science, forthcoming
Abstract:
The racial disparity in mortgage approval rates decreases by four percentage points as a result of hedge fund activism targeting banks. Target banks experience a higher turnover of mortgage officers and open new bank branches in areas with greater racial disparities in mortgage approval rates. We show that the results are driven by hedge fund activists' efforts to increase profitability and comply with the community reinvestment act. Our results suggest that hedge funds' incentives to maximize shareholder value do not necessarily lead to a negative impact on other stakeholders.
Ride-hailing technology mitigates effects of driver racial discrimination, but effects of residential segregation persist
Anna Cobb et al.
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 8 October 2024
Abstract:
We assess racial disparities in the service quality of app-based ride-hailing services, like Uber and Lyft, by simulating their operations in the city of Chicago using empirical data. To generate driver cancellation rate disparities consistent with controlled experiments (up to twice as large for Black riders as for White riders), we estimate that more than 3% of drivers discriminate by race. We find that the capabilities of ride-hailing technology to rapidly rematch after a cancellation and prioritize long-waiting customers heavily mitigates the effects of driver discrimination on rider wait times, reducing average discrimination-induced disparities to less than 1 min -- an order of magnitude less than traditional taxis. However, our results suggest that even in the absence of direct driver discrimination, Black riders in Chicago wait about 50% longer, on average, than White riders because of historically informed geographic residential patterns. We estimate that if Black riders in the city had the same wait times as White riders, the collective travel time saved would be worth $4.2 million to $7.0 million per year.
Municipal police and the economic mobility gap between black and white males in the US
Manuel Schechtl & Rourke O'Brien
Research in Social Stratification and Mobility, October 2024
Abstract:
Estimates of intergenerational economic mobility for a recent U.S. birth cohort published by Opportunity Insights reveal a striking empirical puzzle: while there is a substantial gap in the upward mobility outcomes achieved by low-income Black and White males there is no such racial mobility gap for females. This study examines municipal police force size as a potential driver of these disparate mobility patterns. Although a larger police force may enhance mobility outcomes for all low-income children through reducing exposure to crime, for Black males prior work suggests this will be offset by the disparate negative impact of increased contact with the criminal justice system. Analyzing a sample of 200 major U.S. cities, linear models find a positive association between the number of police officers per capita and the size of the racial mobility gap for males, but not for females. We go on to show more police personnel in the late 1990s is associated with an increased gap in the likelihood of incarceration for Black males relative to White males. Taken together, our findings point to the heterogeneous impacts of policing for different race-sex groups as one potential explanation for why we observe a racial mobility gap between Black and White males and why this gap is larger in some cities and smaller in others.
Measuring and Mitigating Racial Disparities in Tax Audits
Hadi Elzayn et al.
Quarterly Journal of Economics, forthcoming
Abstract:
Tax authorities around the world rely on audits to detect underreported tax liabilities and to verify that taxpayers qualify for the benefits they claim. We study differences in Internal Revenue Service audit rates between Black and non-Black taxpayers. Because neither we nor the IRS observe taxpayer race, we propose and employ a novel partial identification strategy to estimate these differences. Despite race-blind audit selection, we find that Black taxpayers are audited at 2.9 to 4.7 times the rate of non-Black taxpayers. An important driver of the disparity is differing audit rates by race among taxpayers claiming the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC). Using counterfactual audit selection models to explore why the disparity arises, we find that maximizing the detection of underreported taxes would not lead to Black EITC claimants being audited at higher rates. Rather, the audit disparity among EITC claimants stems in large part from a policy decision to prioritize detecting overclaims of refundable credits over other forms of noncompliance. Modifying the audit selection algorithm to target total underreported taxes while holding fixed the number of audited EITC claimants would reduce the share of audited taxpayers who are Black, and would lead to more audits focused on accurate reporting of business income and deductions; fewer audits focused on the eligibility of claimed dependents; higher per-audit costs; and more detected noncompliance.
The mental health toll of the Great Migration: A comparison of mental health outcomes among descendants of African American migrators
Cecilia Vu et al.
Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology, September 2024, Pages 1497-1507
Methods: We used a sample of 3183 African American adults from the National Survey of American Life (2001-2003). Using birthplaces of participants and their mothers, we classified adults as (1) Southern stayers, (2) migrators to the South, (3) migrators to the North or (4) Northern stayers. The outcomes were lifetime prevalence of any mental health, mood, anxiety, and substance use disorders. We used weighted log-Poisson regression models and adjusted for demographic characteristics and socioeconomic status.
Results: Migrators to the North and Northern stayers had higher risks of any lifetime mental health, mood, anxiety, and substance use disorders compared to Southern stayers in the adjusted models. Migrators to the North and Northern stayers were more likely to report perceived discrimination.
Effects of an Intervention on Black Family Incomes on Self-Rated Health and Obesity in Black and White Adolescents and Young Adults
Jessica Polos et al.
American Journal of Epidemiology, forthcoming
Abstract:
Structural racism contributes to health disparities between U.S. non-Hispanic Black and non-Hispanic white populations by differentially distributing resources used to maintain health. Policies that equitably redistribute resources may mitigate racialized health disparities. Using National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health data and time-to-event parametric g-formula methods, we investigate a hypothetical intervention to reduce Black-white family income inequities on racialized differences in self-rated health (N=11,312) and obesity (N=10,547). We first intervene to increase individual Black family incomes by $11,000, creating Black-white equity in median incomes in 1995. Then, we measure social multiplier effects by additionally increasing county-level Black median household incomes by $11,000. By Wave 4, individual, direct effects models comparing Black intervention to Black control groups show no risk differences in self-rated health (RD=-0.009; 95% CI: -0.026, 0.008) or obesity (RD=0.003; 95% CI: -0.017, 0.023). Social multiplier effects models suggestively reduce Black-white inequalities in obesity by increasing obesity in white intervention versus white control groups (RD=0.050=; 95% CI: -0.011, 0.110), but exacerbate Black-white disparities in self-rated health by reducing self-rated health in Black intervention versus white control groups (RD=0.184; 95% CI: 0.018, 0.351). In this cohort, income transfers may not reduce racialized disparities in obesity and self-rated health.
Longitudinal Changes in Epigenetic Age Acceleration Across Childhood and Adolescence
Juan Del Toro et al.
JAMA Pediatrics, forthcoming
Design, Setting, and Participants: This cohort study leveraged longitudinal data on a large sample of youths from low-income households in 20 large urban US cities who provided repeated assessments of saliva tissue samples at ages 9 and 15 years for DNA methylation analysis. Of 4898 youths from the Future of Families and Child Well-Being study, an ongoing study that oversampled children born to unmarried parents from 1998 to 2000, 2039 were included in the present analysis, as these youths had salivary DNA methylation data assayed and publicly available. Analyses were conducted from March 2023 to June 2024.
Results: Among 2039 youths (mean [SD] age at baseline, 9.27 [0.38] years; 1023 [50%] male and 1016 [50%] female; 917 [45%] Black, 430 [21%] Hispanic or Latino, 351 [17%] White, and 341 [17%] other, including multiple races and self-identified other) with salivary epigenetic clocks at 9 and 15 years of age, longitudinal results showed that White youths exhibited less accelerated epigenetic aging over time than did Black and Hispanic or Latino youths and those reporting other or multiple races or ethnicities from ages 9 to 15 years, particularly in the Hannum (B, 1.54; 95% CI, 0.36-2.18), GrimAge (B, 1.31; 95% CI, 0.68-1.97), and DunedinPACE epigenetic clocks (B, 0.27; 95% CI, 0.11-0.44). Across these clocks and the PhenoAge clock, police intrusion was associated with Black youths' more accelerated epigenetic aging (Hannum: B, 0.11; 95% CI, 0.03-0.23; GrimAge: B, 0.09; 95% CI, 0.03-0.18; PhenoAge: B, 0.08; 95% CI, 0.02-0.18; DunedinPACE: B, 0.01; 95% CI, 0.01-0.03).
Male twinning after the 2008 Obama election: A test of symbolic empowerment
Allison Stolte et al.
Social Science & Medicine, September 2024
Abstract:
On November 4, 2008, Barack Obama was elected the first Black President of the United States. His campaign and electoral win served as a symbol of hope for a more just future, fostering an "Obama effect" that appears associated with improved well-being among non-Hispanic (NH) Black communities. Situating the Obama election within the symbolic empowerment framework, we consider the potentially protective role of the Obama election on NH Black fetal death, an important but understudied measure of perinatal health that has stark racial disparities. Using restricted-use natality files from the National Center of Health Statistics, we proxy fetal death using the male twin rate (number of twins per 1000 male live births). Male twins have a relatively high risk of in utero selection that is sensitive to maternal and environmental stressors, making it an important marker of fetal death when such data is unavailable. We then estimate interrupted time-series models to assess the relation between the Obama election and male twin rates among NH Black births across monthly conception cohorts (February 2003-October2008). Greater-than-expected male twin rates signal less susceptibility to fetal loss. Results indicate a 4.5% higher male twin rate among all NH Black cohorts exposed in utero to the Obama election, after accounting for historical and NH white trends (p<.005). The greater-than-expected rates concentrated among births conceived in the months preceding Obama's nomination at the Democratic National Convention and Obama's presidential win. These results suggest a salutary perinatal response to election events that likely reduced NH Black fetal loss. They also indicate the possibility that sociopolitical shifts can mitigate persisting NH Black-NH white disparities in perinatal health.
Empty chairs at the dinner table: Black-white disparities in exposure to household member deaths
Angela Dixon
SSM - Population Health, September 2024
Abstract:
As a result of Black-White inequities in life expectancy, recent research has indicated that Black individuals are disproportionately exposed to the deaths of multiple family members compared to White individuals. Black individuals are also more likely to live in coresident households -- that is, households that extend beyond the nuclear family. However, it is unclear the degree to which this population may be disproportionately exposed to the loss of deaths marked by the geographic closeness of the household. In this study, I use data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics to provide the first nationally representative estimates of Black-White disparities in exposure to household member deaths. I find that Black people are significantly more likely than White individuals to have experienced the death of a household member. Based on these findings, I argue the dual inequities of racial disparities in life expectancy and racial disparities in coresidence are an overlooked, salient source of racial disparities in exposure to death. By illuminating a broader range of network sources that contribute to racial inequities in exposure to death, this study sets forth a new conceptual unit of analysis -- that of the household -- to investigate the intergenerational reproduction of inequality in health and socioeconomic status due to exposure to death.