Boundaries
Why Do Leaders Build Walls? Domestic Politics, Leader Survival, and The Fortification of Borders
Christopher Linebarger & Alex Braithwaite
Journal of Conflict Resolution, forthcoming
Abstract:
States around the world are fortifying their international borders at unprecedented rates. While only seven states had fortified their borders with walls or fences as of the end of World War Two, this number has now grown to more than 75. Why do states build walls on their international borders? While states may build walls to ameliorate the consequences of cross-border economic inequalities and to defend against transnational security threats, we suggest that another compelling logic stems from domestic politics and leaders' desire to remain in office. Building on assumptions furnished by diversionary theory, we argue that national political leaders at risk of losing office are incentivized to implement popular policies, such as border wall construction, hoping that doing so will prompt a domestic rally effect. To test this argument, we assemble a global dataset of leader-years and find that politically insecure leaders are more likely to be seen to start and continue border wall construction.
The local effects of federal law enforcement policies: Evidence from sanctuary jurisdictions and crime
Dale Manning & Jesse Burkhardt
Contemporary Economic Policy, forthcoming
Abstract:
This study estimates the association between sanctuary policies and crime in the United States by exploiting an increase in state and local sanctuary policy adoption in 2014. Counties that adopted sanctuary policies in 2014 experienced a decrease of 17.9 violent crimes per 100,000 inhabitants per year (0.02 percentage points) compared to counties that continued to cooperate with Immigration and Customs Enforcement Agency (ICE), with the relationship driven by decreases in robberies and assaults. This result implies that sanctuary policies avoid $101 million per year in crime costs. Conversely, ICE cooperation increases crime costs in local communities by $3.28 billion per year.
Can Sanctuary Policies Reduce Domestic Violence?
Catalina Amuedo-Dorantes & Monica Deza
American Law and Economics Review, forthcoming
Abstract:
Domestic violence remains a serious public problem, especially in Hispanic communities, where one in three women are victims of domestic violence in their lifetimes. Yet <<50%% of victims report the incidents, often because of concerns over police officers asking about their immigration status of the status of their family members. We assess the extent to which the implementation of sanctuary policies, which limit the cooperation of local law enforcement with federal immigration authorities, affect domestic homicide rates - a crime rarely unreported. We find that sanctuary policies reduce domestic homicides with a Hispanic female victim, especially in counties with more female officers. In contrast, the effect is smaller in magnitude in counties with mandatory arrest laws for domestic violence already in place. Overall, the results are suggestive of the protective role of sanctuary policies in Hispanic communities.
The importance of race, gender, and religion in naturalization adjudication in the United States
Emily Ryo & Reed Humphrey
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 1 March 2022
Abstract:
This study presents an empirical investigation of naturalization adjudication in the United States using new administrative data on naturalization applications decided by the US Citizenship and Immigration Services between October 2014 and March 2018. We find significant group disparities in naturalization approvals based on applicants' race/ethnicity, gender, and religion, controlling for individual applicant characteristics, adjudication years, and variation between field offices. Non-White applicants and Hispanic applicants are less likely to be approved than non-Hispanic White applicants, male applicants are less likely to be approved than female applicants, and applicants from Muslim-majority countries are less likely to be approved than applicants from other countries. In addition, race/ethnicity, gender, and religion interact to produce a certain group hierarchy in naturalization approvals. For example, the probability of approval for Black males is 5 percentage points smaller than that of White females. The probability of approval for Blacks from Muslim-majority countries is 9 percentage points smaller than that of Whites from other countries. The probability of approval for females from Muslim-majority countries is 6 percentage points smaller than that of females from other countries. This study contributes to our understanding of the nature of inequalities present in agency decision-making in the naturalization process.
Immigration policy, immigrant detention, and the U.S. jail system
Catalina Amuedo-Dorantes & Mary Lopez
Criminology & Public Policy, forthcoming
Abstract:
The increase in immigration enforcement during the past two decades has led to a larger number of immigrants being detained in the U.S. criminal justice system. Using data from the 2006-2018 Annual Survey of Jails, we examine the impact of immigrants being held for Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) on the conditions in U.S. jails. We find that increases in the number of detainees held for ICE are related to higher noncitizen jailed populations that are not offset by reductions in their citizen counterparts, likely contributing to worse confinement conditions. This is reflected in the higher levels of overcrowding and understaffing, as well as in the longer stays in jail and more physical assaults associated with a larger number of ICE detainees. These findings prove robust to using data on two local interior immigration enforcement programs responsible for the growing number of immigrant detainees in local jails-287(g) agreements and Secure Communities-as instruments to address the endogeneity of the number of ICE detainees with respect to jail conditions. The results are driven by slightly over half of U.S. counties located either along the United States-Mexico border or in states with a large or fast-growing immigrant population.
Do citizens vote against incumbents who permit local immigration? Evidence from the Mariel Boatlift
Daniel Thompson
Political Science Research and Methods, forthcoming
Abstract:
Does exposure to a mass migration event cause citizens to vote against incumbents? I offer an answer to this question by studying one of the largest acute periods of migration in the US, the case of the 1980 Mariel Boatlift during which roughly 125,000 Cubans fled to South Florida. I estimate the change in support for Republican presidential candidates in Miami using the synthetic control method and fixed effects regressions with a panel of county-level and archival precinct-level election results. I find that, while Miami voters dramatically increased their support of the Republican candidate in 1980, this shift was not a local consequence of the Boatlift. Instead, the evidence suggests that Cuban support for Reagan was not a local Miami response to the Boatlift - it happened in Cuban communities throughout the US - but it was most noticeable in Miami because Miami had the largest Cuban population in the US even before the Boatlift. I also present evidence that this change in Cuban voting may have been specific to Reagan and not a broader shift against incumbents or toward Republicans. These findings suggest that, in this case, direct exposure to migration did not lead citizens to dramatically change their voting behavior.
Examining the Relationship Between Direct Exposure to Violence and Delinquent Behavior Across Different Immigrant Generations
Meng Ru Shih
Crime & Delinquency, forthcoming
Abstract:
Contrary to popular rhetoric, studies have shown that the relationship between immigration and crime is null or negative. However, recent studies found that crime rates are high in second-generation immigrants. This study posits that exposure to violence (ETV) is one potential risk factor related to the increase in crime and delinquency among immigrant youth, particularly in second-generation youth. Results show that, at baseline, second-generation youth reported the highest direct ETV. Also, ETV is positively associated with deviant outcomes, especially in second-generation youth, whereas ethnic identity casts a negative effect on delinquency across groups. Study results support that direct ETV is one of the risk factors and contributes to levels of delinquency among immigrant generations.
Language Skills and Stock Market Participation: Evidence from ImmigrantsS
Xu Gan, Frank Song & Yang ZhouZ
Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis, forthcoming
Abstract:
Do language skills affect investment decisions? This paper addresses this question by identifying the effect of English proficiency on the stock market participation of immigrants in the United States and Australia. To establish causality, we construct an instrumental variable for English proficiency by exploiting the phenomenon that younger children acquire languages more easily than older children. We find that English proficiency has a significant positive effect on stock ownership among immigrants in both countries. Moreover, we provide evidence that a reduction in information costs and an increase in trust may serve as the mechanisms underlying the language ability effect.