Barriers to Entry
Does Skin Tone Matter? Immigrant Mobility in the U.S. Labor Market
JooHee Han
Demography, April 2020, Pages 705-726
Abstract:
A rich literature has documented the negative association between dark skin tone and many dimensions of U.S.-born Americans' life chances. Despite the importance of both skin tone and immigration in the American experience, few studies have explored the effect of skin tone on immigrant assimilation longitudinally. I analyze data from the New Immigrant Survey (NIS) 2003 to examine how skin tone is associated with occupational achievement at three time points: the last job held abroad, the first job held in the United States, and the current job. Dark-skinned immigrants experience steeper downward mobility at arrival in the United States and slower subsequent upward mobility relative to light-skinned immigrants, net of human and social capital, race/ethnicity, country of origin, visa type, and demographics. These findings shed light on multiple current literatures, including segmented assimilation theory, the multidimensionality of race, and the U.S. racial hierarchy.
Changing In-Group Boundaries: The Effect of Immigration on Race Relations in the US
Vasiliki Fouka, Soumyajit Mazumder & Marco Tabellini
Harvard Working Paper, March 2020
Abstract:
How do social group boundaries evolve? Does the appearance of a new out-group change the in-group's perceptions of other out-groups? We introduce a conceptual framework of context-dependent categorization, in which exposure to one minority leads to recategorization of other minorities when the former is perceived as more distant than the latter. We test this framework by studying how Mexican immigration to the US affected whites' attitudes and behaviors towards African Americans. We combine survey and crime data with a difference-in-differences design and an instrumental variables strategy. Consistent with the theory, Mexican immigration improves whites' attitudes towards blacks, increases support for pro-black government policies and lowers anti-black hate crimes, while simultaneously increasing prejudice against Hispanics. Immigration of groups perceived as less distant than blacks does not have similar effects. Our findings imply that changes in the size of one group can affect the entire web of inter-group relations in diverse societies.
The Economic Impact of Migrants from Hurricane Maria
Giovanni Peri, Derek Rury & Justin Wiltshire
University of California Working Paper, March 2020
Abstract:
Using a synthetic control estimation strategy we examine the economic impact of a large inflow of people from Puerto Rico into Orlando in the aftermath of Hurricane Maria, which devastated Puerto Rico in September 2017. We find that aggregate employment in Orlando increased as a result of the inflow, as did employment in the construction and retail sectors. We also find positive overall employment effects on non-Hispanic and less-educated workers, as well as positive effects on compensation for those same subgroups in the retail sector.In the construction sector - which absorbed the preponderance of this migrant labor supply shock - we find that earnings for non-Hispanic and less-educated (workers likely to be natives) decreased by a modest amount. These results together suggest that, while migrant inflows may have small negative impacts on the earnings of likely-native workers in sectors directly exposed to the labor supply shock, employment and earnings of likely-native workers in other sectors are positively impacted, possibly by increased local demand.
Immigration, Innovation, and Growth
Konrad Burchardi et al.
NBER Working Paper, May 2020
Abstract:
We show a causal impact of immigration on innovation and dynamism in US counties. To identify the causal impact of immigration, we use 130 years of detailed data on migrations from foreign countries to US counties to isolate quasi-random variation in the ancestry composition of US counties that results purely from the interaction of two historical forces: (i) changes over time in the relative attractiveness of different destinations within the US to the average migrant arriving at the time and (ii) the staggered timing of the arrival of migrants from different origin countries. We then use this plausibly exogenous variation in ancestry composition to predict the total number of migrants flowing into each US county in recent decades. We show four main results. First, immigration has a positive impact on innovation, measured by the patenting of local firms. Second, immigration has a positive impact on measures of local economic dynamism. Third, the positive impact of immigration on innovation percolates over space, but spatial spillovers quickly die out with distance. Fourth, the impact of immigration on innovation is stronger for more educated migrants.
Immigration, Science, and Invention. Lessons from the Quota Acts
Petra Moser & Shmuel San
NYU Working Paper, March 2020
Abstract:
Immigration quotas in the 1920s targeted "undesirable" nationalities to stem the inflow of low-skilled Eastern and Southern Europeans (ESE). Detailed biographical data for 91,638 American scientists reveal a dramatic decline in the arrival of ESE-born scientists after the quotas. Under the quotas, an estimated 1,165 ESE-born scientists were lost to US science. To identify effects on invention, we use k-means clustering to assign scientists to unique fields and then compare changes in patenting by US scientists in the pre-quota fields of ESE-born scientists with changes in other fields where US scientists were active inventors. Baseline estimates imply a 68 percent decline in invention. Decomposing this effect, we find that the quotas reduced both the number of US scientists working in ESE fields and the number of patents per scientist. Firms that employed ESE-born scientists experienced a 53 percent decline in invention. The quotas' effects on invention persisted into the 1960s.
Partisanship and perceived threats about immigration
Jonathan Homola
Party Politics, forthcoming
Abstract:
What types of fears does immigration trigger in individuals and how do these fears differ across partisan lines? Prior research explores this question indirectly by linking immigration attitudes to respondents' demographics or to different threat frames. This research note offers a more direct test by designing a randomized experiment on a nationally representative sample of US citizens. I provide one half of the respondents with neutral information about immigration, while the other half serves as the control group. I find that respondents for whom the immigration issue is made salient (i.e. the treatment group) are more fearful of both their personal as well as national economic situation and about crime in their community than respondents in the control group. I further find that the overall effects are mainly driven by those respondents who self-identify as Republicans.
Latinos' deportation fears by citizenship and legal status, 2007 to 2018
Asad Asad
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 21 April 2020, Pages 8836-8844
Abstract:
Deportation has become more commonplace in the United States since the mid-2000s. Latin American noncitizens-encompassing undocumented and documented immigrants-are targeted for deportation. Deportation's threat also reaches naturalized and US-born citizens of Latino descent who are largely immune to deportation but whose loved ones or communities are deportable. Drawing on 6 y of data from the National Survey of Latinos, this article examines whether and how Latinos' deportation fears vary by citizenship and legal status and over time. Compared with Latino noncitizens, Latino US citizens report lower average deportation fears. However, a more complex story emerges when examining this divide over time: Deportation fears are high but stable among Latino noncitizens, whereas deportation fears have increased substantially among Latino US citizens. These trends reflect a growing national awareness of - rather than observable changes to - deportation policy and practice since the 2016 US presidential election. The article highlights how deportation or its consequences affects a racial group that the US immigration regime targets disproportionately.
Bilingualism Affords No General Cognitive Advantages: A Population Study of Executive Function in 11,000 People
Emily Nichols et al.
Psychological Science, forthcoming
Abstract:
Whether acquiring a second language affords any general advantages to executive function has been a matter of fierce scientific debate for decades. If being bilingual does have benefits over and above the broader social, employment, and lifestyle gains that are available to speakers of a second language, then it should manifest as a cognitive advantage in the general population of bilinguals. We assessed 11,041 participants on a broad battery of 12 executive tasks whose functional and neural properties have been well described. Bilinguals showed an advantage over monolinguals on only one test (whereas monolinguals performed better on four tests), and these effects all disappeared when the groups were matched to remove potentially confounding factors. In any case, the size of the positive bilingual effect in the unmatched groups was so small that it would likely have a negligible impact on the cognitive performance of any individual.
A Time-Space Stream of DACA Benefits and Barriers Gleaned From the American Community Survey
Richard Jones
Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, forthcoming
Abstract:
This study investigates the educational and economic attainment of Mexican Dreamers over the 4 years since DACA was implemented (2012-2016). A time-space stream of benefits and barriers is evaluated at the national, state, and individual levels. Based on assumptions linking the DACA-eligible to DACA recipients, I examine the annual American Community Survey (ACS) to glean insights not provided elsewhere. At national level, the results suggest that young Mexican Dreamers entered the workforce at higher rates, but college at lower rates, than a control group of Mexican Americans. At state level, in supportive states these Dreamers entered college at higher rates but the work force at slightly lower rates, than they did in restrictive states. At the individual level, it is revealed that DACA strongly promoted college over work for women, but just the reverse for men. These distinctions are bringing about new inequalities within the Mexican Dreamer community in the United States.